WHAT IS RESTRUCTURING AND DOES NIGERIA NEED IT - MALLAM NASIR EL-RUFAI AT CHATHAM HOUSE LONDON.

Restructuring and Does Nigeria Need it? - The Essence of the Restructuring Debate in Nigeria.

Remarks by Mallam Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, Governor of Kaduna State, at Chatham House, London; Thursday, 21st September 2017

PROTOCOLS

Introduction

When I concluded plans to visit London this week, it was for the purpose of making a presentation on primary health care at Chatham House. But about a week ago, I received a request to also speak here about the restructuring debate in Nigeria. I accepted with reservations, because I chair the APC’s Committee on True Federalism.  

While I appreciate that the invitation to speak on the matter reflects the international attention the Nigerian debate on restructuring is attracting, I am keenly aware that whatever I say here is liable to be misunderstood or misinterpreted by interested parties back home as the position of the committee. So, a useful caveat early on. 

I will try to scope the debate around restructuring, place it in the context of the history of Nigeria, highlight what the key issues appear to be and conclude with how the All Progressives Congress Committee on True Federalism is proceeding with its assignment. Where I consider that outlining my personal views could contribute to the discourse, I will not hesitate to do so, and make clear that such opinions are mine alone.

Nigeria – A Federation without Federalism:

Over five years ago in April 2012, I wrote a widely published article titled “A Federation without Federalism”. The article reflected the broad consensus amongst Nigerians, then and now, that our federation has been dysfunctional, more unitary than federal, and not delivering public goods to the generality of our people. 

Despite possessing significant natural resource endowments, being Africa’s leading economy and most populous nation, Nigerians are neither happy nor content with the current political structure, the 1999 Constitution, and virtually all the institutions of governance at the federal, state and local levels. While this may be largely attributable to our political culture and weird leadership selection process rather than institutions and the constitution, many see the latter as the cause and effect of our national discontent.

This state of national dissatisfaction for a variety of reasons and motives has led to strident calls from virtually all segments of Nigerian society for political, constitutional and fiscal reform using various words and phrases - restructuring, true federalism, devolution, resource control, regionalism, self-determination and so on. How do we separate the signal from the noise? 

How much of the debate is propelled by a desire for national progress and how much is mere politics, opportunism and search for sectional entitlement? Is the debate mostly driven by our fractious politics and competing interests, or are there real grievances whose resolution will create a critical juncture and opportunity for national rebirth. I will attempt to explore these questions and end with some thoughts on how the APC Committee I am privileged to be chairing is hoping to address them.

In Search of Nationhood:

Everyone knows that Nigeria was founded by British fiat in 1914, bringing together the diverse peoples and cultures of a vast land under one polity. As the winds of change unleashed by the outcome of the Second World War and the independence of India spurred agitations for self-government, Nigerians debated, under British tutelage, the political structure of a future, free Nigeria. Those who wanted federalism won the argument, at the cost of being derided as “Pakistanists”  by a vocal minority that wanted a unitary Nigeria.

The 1950s saw the emergence of three regions, Northern, Eastern and Western, with elected Nigerian leaders with limited powers of self-rule.  

In the pre-independence debates, the leaders of the Western and Northern regions were especially insistent on a loose federation with strong regions. This ultimately prevailed at independence in 1960, and was reaffirmed by the republican Constitution of 1963. Historical records indicate that the peoples of the smaller ethnic groups in the North, West and East, largely accepted and supported the federalist consensus, and they expected its logic to extend to the creation of new regions for them, or special arrangements to accommodate their interests. 

A deal between the parties controlling the Northern and Eastern Regions produced the governing coalition at independence in 1960. In 1963, the Mid-West was carved out of the Western region as the fourth region. Each of these regions had a written constitution, emblem and an official representation in London. They had significant powers, and were authorised to raise the revenues needed to fund themselves and contribute to the central government. 

The political giants that led the old regions competed to do their best for their respective peoples: the Western Region launched the first public television service in Africa, a few years after adopting a free education policy that consolidated its head start in western education by extending universal access to the masses. Each of the three original regions founded its own university, built industrial estates, and developed hospitality businesses; and they tried to build the physical infrastructure needed for a modern economy. 

Some of the most enduring institutions in Nigeria were built by these regional governments, hence the understandable nostalgia in some quarters for the currently-dysfunctional federal structure of Nigeria to revert to the regions of old. 

However, after the “Five Majors” struck in 1966, and assassinated virtually all the elected political leaders of the Northern and Western Regions, a unitarist tendency gained influence in General Aguiyi Ironsi’s government, and a unification decree was enacted in May 1966, unifying the public service across the country, to much opposition, especially from the Northern Region. Although a counter-coup in July 1966 sounded the death knell for the unification decree, the remnants of unitarism remained, enabled without doubt by the centralised structure of the military which inexorably further distorted our post-independence federalism. The counter-coup was followed by widespread violence in the North, the creation of 12 states out of the four defunct regions, threats of secession and a civil war.

To raise the resources for prosecuting the civil war which started in 1967, the taxation powers of the former regions were changed in favour of the federal government, further strengthening the centre at the expense of the twelve states. The military sat tight for 13 years in their first coming. They ensured that the Federal Republic of Nigeria, headed by a Supreme Commander, and ruled by the Federal Military Government, became a strangely named, mainly unitary state. 

The four years of civilian democratic rule between 1979 and 1983 saw some resurgence and reassertion of the federal spirit. Lagos State, for instance, established a state university, a radio station and a television service. Alhaji Lateef Jakande, the governor, even signed contracts to build a metro system in Lagos even though railways are, till today, on the Exclusive Legislative List in our Constitution, making it a purely federal function.

The second coming of the military lasted until 1999. In those sixteen years, the unitarist takeover was completed. A new generation of citizens grew up knowing only the command-and-control system of the soldiers. A psychological distortion made political deformation even worse. More powers had been concentrated at the centre, the federal bureaucracy had ballooned and there were now many states (from 12 to 36) whose evident limitations proved insufficient to discourage the demand for yet more states. 

As states became many, smaller and less fiscally-independent, a powerful centre, manifested in a Federal Government that assumed ever more powers and responsibilities, took the biggest chunk of national revenues (now about 53%) but did very little well. This is a brief summary of our national journey to dysfunction!

Our national psyche has since then been focused on the distribution of easy oil rents from the central government to the states. Thus, after 57 years of independence, it is not unusual to see official government forms that ask for state of origin, ethnicity and religion, rather than state of residence, and what taxes one paid last year. These unitarist and distributive impulses did not accelerate the evolution of national unity and productive endeavour. Rather it created a rentier economic structure and preserved the colonial stratagem of divide and rule using ethnic, religious and geographic identities. 

By the late military era, coinciding with the democratic wave unleashed by the end of the Cold War, political groups and civic organisations, mainly in the south, were agitating for a sovereign national conference to negotiate the terms on which the component parts of Nigeria will stay together. The military ruler of the time, President Ibrahim Babangida resisted the call, but his successor, General Abacha, convened a national conference that neither restored federalism nor produced real democracy until he died in 1998.

Democratic rule was restored in May 1999, following the election of former General Olusegun Obasanjo as president. In 1976, General Obasanjo became the second military officer hailing from the south to become Head of State. In 1999, he became the first from the south to take office as an executive president. The calls for a sovereign national conference became slightly muted in the period leading to the 2003 elections, but came alive again in 2005, as Obasanjo’s tenure was coming to an end. 

There have been two national conferences in the Fourth Republic, convened by sitting presidents, but both were trailed by suspicions that they were arranged to advance some kind of personal or sectional political agenda. The conferences instituted by Presidents Obasanjo (2005) and Goodluck Jonathan (2014) did not lead to the restoration of federalism or advance democratic consolidation.    

Where We Are as APC Administration:

As observed earlier, in recent months, there has been a resurgence of the clamour for restructuring. Some of the advocates have not bothered to define what restructuring means to them: is it devolution of powers, resource-control, regionalism, or even self-determination, or all of these? Restructuring is the new buzz word, and some of its advocates demonize anyone not using the same registers as them, while many a politician espies in it opportunities for media attention, renewed relevance or career-enhancement. Perhaps I have only described the variety of motivations that tend to surround great questions!

I have previously expressed my personal view, regretting the opportunism of certain leaders who espouse restructuring now for purposes of political and media attention, noting that they did nothing to advance such goals when they were in power. And I pointed out that the Federal Government needs to devolve more powers to the states, and the states to the local governments. On live national television, I asserted that this is already happening under the APC national government by convention and pragmatic devolution, without any legislation, national conference or constitutional amendment. 

For instance, my colleagues and I in the Kaduna State Executive Council requested that the Federal Government should re-designate two major roads in Kaduna, our state capital, as state roads. The Federal Executive Council granted our wishes, restoring the two roads to our control and saving us the inconvenience of seeking permission from a federal bureaucrat before we can install street lights on a major road in our state capital. I also cited the fact that the Federal Government no longer just issues mining titles in Abuja; rather it now works with state governments that control the titles to land, unlike in our recent non-collaborative past. In Kaduna State, we are trying to devolve control of forests, management of fire services and other ‘state-level’ functions to our 23 local governments, in addition to many others.  

As I argued at a recent event, I do not believe that a single, centralised police force can deliver on the necessity to visibly project state power and enforce the law in this vast country of ours with nearly 200 million people. Neither is the exclusive control of over-crowded prisons and an unmanageable number of federal trunk roads and railways!

Amidst these renewed demands for restructuring, our national parliament - the Senate and House of Representatives - had voted against key restructuring provisions in the proposed constitutional amendment bills. The APC has a majority in both chambers of the National Assembly, and the public expected the party to provide leadership on the issue of true federalism, which is one of our manifesto commitments.

APC Committee on True Federalism:

In response to these developments and due to the need to clearly articulate our roadmap for political and constitutional reform, the APC set up a Committee on True Federalism to help to give structure to the debate, remove the bile and bitterness colouring the matter and transform the discourse into a nation-building event. 

Our party is particularly keen to hear the voices of young people that account for over 80 percent of our population, not just the eloquent assertions of the old politicians like me who are above the age of 50. 

The APC Committee on True Federalism, which I chair, has the following Terms of Reference:

1. Examine the Party constitution, manifesto and other publications to ascertain the true intent and definition of the national structure promised by the Party during the Presidential campaign.
2.  Review all various ideas being promoted in the current public debate on national restructuring
3. Take a studied look at the report of the various national conferences and in particular that of 2014, its recommendations to identify areas of concurrence with the Party’s promise in (1) above. 
4. Liaise with APC caucus in the National Assembly to deliberate and recommend a legislative strategy for addressing the demand for political restructuring and how to use the report of National Conference in the best interest of the country.
5. Arising from (1-4) above, propose appropriate mechanism for implementing the Party position within the confines of current constitutional arrangement without prejudice to the continued unity and shared prosperity of the nation.
6. Make any other recommendation which in the opinion of the committee advances the unity national integration and collective wellbeing of the country. 

The Committee began by focusing its preliminary research and preparatory work in the following four broad areas:

• Balance in the federation - Devolution of powers to sub-nationals;

• Review of revenue allocation formula;

• Citizenship matters including federal character, and 

• Review of key recommendations of the 2005 and 2014 national conferences.

The preponderance of opinion is that the Federal Government needs to shed weight, and return powers and resources to the states where most government functions can be more efficiently undertaken. For the states to take on these powers, they need to access a greater share of the nation’s resources. And we need to sort out the notion of citizenship so that every Nigerian can enjoy the protection of the Constitution wherever they choose to reside. In many communities, people still use the notion of ‘indigene-ship’ to consign compatriots to a position of ‘settler’ and, by implication, perpetual exclusion from enjoying the full political, social and economic opportunities guaranteed by the Constitution to every citizen. 

Key Issues for Debate:

After a careful review of history, literature and reports on the four broad areas identified above, the APC Committee on True Federalism has reduced the subject matter into the following twelve contentious issues that have consistently featured in virtually all previous debates on the issues around restructuring by whatever name or phrase:

1. Creation or merger of states and the framework and guidelines for achieving that;
2.  principle, bordering on what percentage of federal collectible revenues from mining should be given back to the sub-nationals from which the commodities are extracted;
3.  of powers: what items on the exclusive legislative list should be transferred to the recurrent list, especially state and community police, prisons, etc.;
4.  Units: Should Nigeria be based on regions or zones or retain the 36-state structure?
5.  federalism and revenue allocation; 
6. Form of government - (parliamentary or presidential?);
7. Independent candidacy;
8. Land tenure system;
9. Local government autonomy;
10. Power sharing and rotation of political offices;
11. Resource control; and
12. Type of legislature – part-time or full-time, unicameral or bicameral?

We have since published calls for memoranda, created various social media platforms to tap into the opinions of the younger generation, and commenced public hearings in 12 locations across Nigeria. The final public hearing will take place in the nation’s capital Abuja, targeting National Assembly members and the general public living within the federal capital territory.

The Secretary of our Committee, Senator Bunmi Adetunmbi articulated our position very clearly recently:

“The APC recognizes that the work of nation-building is an ongoing process in which every stakeholder has a role to play, by making his own contribution. In this case, the APC as a national political party is an institution and a stakeholder that has a role to play in making its own contribution. This exercise is our own way of making that contribution. 

The APC leadership felt that it is not necessary to think alone among ourselves, but to also ask members of the public what they think. That is why everything this Committee is doing is not about its own opinion, but harvesting the opinion of the ordinary people in order to form an opinion. After all, no political party exists just by itself, but by the mandate of people.

In this regard, we have put up an announcement calling on members of the public to submit memoranda and meet us at designated venues of the public hearings without any discrimination. So, it is an open invitation to all Nigerians to attend and make their views and voices to count.”

With this multi-pronged approach, we are confident we will feel the pulse of ordinary Nigerians and submit a credible report that will guide the leaders of our party, and governments. With this open-minded approach to the question of restructuring, I have no doubt that we will credibly fulfil our terms of reference.

Some Concluding Thoughts:

As I have argued since 2012, there is no doubt that the Nigerian federation is unbalanced and in dire need of structural rebalancing. This I think we all agree as Nigerians, but the devil is in the details. While some advocates of wholesale abandonment of the existing political structure are probably unrealistic in their expectations, I believe most Nigerians appreciate and cherish our unity in diversity but seek the enthronement of a fairer, meritocratic system that puts social justice above everything else. It is not very hard to achieve this.

Under the current constitutional order, such a system can be achieved peacefully either (i) gradually as shown by the Buhari administration’s devolution of responsibilities and increasing involvement of sub-nationals in national economic policymaking or (ii) more rapidly through constitutional and legislative actions of the National and State Assemblies well before the 2019 general elections. Both options are already being pursued albeit in a haphazard manner, hence the need for our Committee.

Our expectation as a governing party (and government in office) is that the voice of Nigerians – particularly young people – ought to set the agenda for what is desirable in creating a country where there are equal opportunities for all, and where peace and justice reign. The insistent din of the vocal political minority should not drown the new voices of the majority, many of whom are young and apolitical. 

Our Committee hopes our approach will enable our party to attain the goal of getting to the very heart and soul of the restructuring debate through the lens of the ordinary Nigerian. There is an opportunity for Nigerians to advance, discuss and refine ideas for adjusting the Exclusive List, Minerals and Mining Rights, the local government system, choice of National VAT versus Sub-National Sales Taxes, Population Census and re-Demarcation of Federal and State Constituencies based on the 2006 Census – all matters that are long overdue for deep reflection and reform.

This nation-building exercise could also encourage consensus for introducing State Constitutions, State Police, Appeal and Supreme Courts, creation or merger of states, reviewed tax powers, and reinforcing state government control over land by vesting mineral rights in the states, subject to federal royalties, export duties and taxes.

We intend to submit our Committee’s report to the Party by the end of October 2017 by God’s Grace.

I thank you for the opportunity. Thanks for listening and God Bless.

Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, OFR

Governor of Kaduna State, Nigeria

Credits: El-Rufai Facebook page.

FUNAAB EXTENDS 2017/2018 ADMISSION APPLICATION

FUNAAB SENATE HOUSE

 application for 2017/18 academic session has been extended to Wed,27th September 2017 to allow New UTME candidates who have recently changed their first choice  of institution to FUNAAB  to process their admission application online 

By this extension, the closing date for FUNAAB 2017/18 online admission application exercise is Wed, 27th Sept 2017  as against Friday 22nd Sept 2017 initially announced.

Source:.http://funaab.edu.ng/admission-application-for-2017-18-academic-session-has-been-extended-to-wed-27th-september-2017

FUNAAB gets New VC, Registrar, and Bursar

The Governing Council of the Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta (FUNAAB), Ogun State, has approved the appointment of three new Principal Officers, in substantive capacities, for the University. The Principal Officers-designates are: Professor Felix Kolawole Salako, Vice-Chancellor; Dr. Hakeem Adebola Adekola, Registrar; and Mr. Chukwunwike Ezekpeazu, Bursar.

According to the Pro-Chancellor and Chairman, Governing Council of the University, Dr. (Barr.) Aboki Zhawa, “The process was guided by rules, regulations and the Act (establishing the University). We were guided by provisions of the Act, the rules of the University and Federal Character. We, as a Council, decided to set up the committee that will do the screening for the Council. It was after screening that the Technical Committee was mandated to look at the applicants; to see if they have complied with the spirit of the advertisement. The Technical Committee came up with a good list and they presented to the Selection Board. Having looked at the list, we made a recommendation to the Council and it approved the list and the other recommendations that were submitted”.

The Vice-Chancellor-designate, Professor Felix Salako, was born in Lagos State in 1961 and hails from Ibadan, Oyo State. A Professor of Soil Physics in the Department of Soil Science and Land Management, College of Plant Science and Crop Production (COLPLANT) of the University, he attended the famous Igbobi College, Lagos; the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, where he obtained his B. Agric (Hons) and M.Sc degrees in Soil Science in 1983 and 1986, respectively before proceeding to the University of Ibadan, where he bagged his PhD Degree in Soil Science, in 1997.

Professor Salako joined the services of FUNAAB in 2000 as a Senior Lecturer and moved up the academic ladder to become a Professor in 2006. He had served the University on many fronts, which include: Head of Department, Soil Science and Land Management; Director, Agricultural Media Resources and Extension Centre; Pioneer Director, Centre for Community-Based Farming Scheme and Deputy Vice-Chancellor, Development, for two terms. He has to his credit, over 80 publications in books/monographs, articles in learned journals, papers in referred conference proceedings and technical reports. He had equally supervised more than 50 students at both the undergraduate and postgraduate levels in addition to being external examiners to several notable universities.

Professor Salako belongs to a number of professional associations and learned societies such as the International Society of Agricultural Meteorology; Soil Science Society of Nigeria; Agricultural Society of Nigeria; Soil and Water Conservation Society, United States of America and had delivered papers at many local and international conferences, seminars and workshops. Notable academic laurels won by him include the Best Student Prize in Soil Science (1982 - 1983) Graduating Set of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, the Marquis' Who-is-Who in Science and Engineering (8th Edition) and Chief War Marshall, Man O’ War Club of Nigeria.

He is currently the Southwestern Nigeria Co-ordinator (2016-2021), African Cassava Agronomy Initiative, taking Agronomy to Scale in Sub-Saharan Africa (ACAI) for the International Institute for Tropical Agriculture (IITA), Ibadan, Nigeria; a project that has impacted the University and the society at large. Professor Salako, a Jerusalem Pilgrim, was honoured with the chieftaincy titles of the Asoludero of Iwoye-Ketu and the Bobatolu of Isaga-Orile; Ogun State, in recognition of his immense contributions to the development of the two communities, among other laurels.

The Registrar-designate, Dr. Hakeem Adekola, was born in Lagos on January 12, 1968, is a native of Ogun Waterside, Ogun State. He attended Community High School, Ibiade, Ogun State for his secondary education, between 1980 and 1985. He holds a Bachelor’s Degree in History; Master of Personnel Psychology and a Doctorate Degree in Applied Psychology (Personnel Psychology option), from the Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State, in 1989, 1997 and 2006, respectively. He was employed as an Administrative Officer II by the Ogun State University (now Olabisi Onabanjo University) in September 1991. He rose through the ranks to become a Deputy Registrar in October 2007 in the same university. He was later appointed as the Pioneer Registrar of the Fountain University, Osogbo, Osun State in 2007 and served out his tenure on April 30, 2012.

Dr. Adekola’s work experience has transversed different aspects of university administration such as faculty offices, senate affairs, academic planning units, committees and the vice-chancellor’s office. He belongs to several professional bodies, including the Association of Nigerian Universities Professional Administrators (ANUPA); Association of American University Administrators, United Kingdom (AUA,UK); Chartered Institute of Personnel Management (CIPM) of Nigeria; and Chartered Institute of Civilian Administration, Ghana (CIDA, Ghana), among others. He has attended many local and international conferences and has to his credit, several academic, professional publications as well as teaching experiences. Until his appointment, he was the Deputy Registrar-in-Charge of Senate Affairs at the Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State.

The Bursar-designate, Mr. Chukwunwike Ezekpeazu, was born on February 2, 1960 in Onitsha, Anambra State. He attended popular Christ the King College, Onitsha; University of Nigeria, Nsukka, where he obtained both his B.Sc (Hons) Degree in Accountancy and Master’s in Business Administration (MBA) Banking and Finance in 1981 and 2005, respectively. He has a robust career in accounting, having attended many conferences in his field of specialisation. He belongs to leading professional associations and institutes such as the Fellow, Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (FCA); and Fellow, Chartered Institute of Taxation of Nigeria (FCTI); among others. Mr. Ezekpeazu was a former Bursar at the National Mathematical Centre, Abuja and was a Visiting Bursar on Sabbatical at the Michael Okpara University of Agriculture, Umudike, Abia State, before he was appointed as Bursar in FUNAAB. All the appointees are happily married and blessed with children.

Signed

Adewale Kupoluyi

For: Head, Directorate of Public Relations,

Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta, Ogun State.

Source:http://funaab.edu.ng/funaab-appoints-new-vc-registrar-bursar

SOUTH EAST GOVERNORS PROSCRIBE IPOB, RELEASES COMMUNIQUÉ

Communique Arising from the emergency meeting of South East Governors Forum at the

In view of the prevailing security situation in the South East and its attendant consequences, the South East Governors hereby resolves as follows:

1. All activities of IPOB are hereby proscribed. IPOB and all other aggrieved groups are advised to articulate their position on all national issues and submit to the Committee of Governors, Ohanaeze Ndigbo and National Assembly members from the South-East Zone, through their chairman, South-East Governors Forum.

2. All Governors of South-East Zone are to ensure compliance in their respective States.

3. South-East Governors Forum, Ohanaeze Ndigbo and National Assembly Members do hereby reinforce their commitment to a united and indivisible Nigeria.

4. We also reinforce our desire for the restructuring of Nigeria where all national issues will be discussed and amicably settled to achieve justice and fairness to every Nigerian.

5. We reiterate our earlier position that the November 18, 2017 governorship election in Anambra must hold.

6. Accordingly, we appeal to Mr. President and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, His Excellency, President Muhammad's Buhari GCFR to please, withdraw the military in the Southeast zone, while police perform their traditional role of maintaining law and order.

7. South East Governors have taken concrete steps to protect lives and properties of indigenes and non indigenes in the south east.

8. We are in touch with the Northern Governors Forum they have assured us of the safety of all our people living in the north and we have also planned to exchange of visits between the Governors and to re-enforce the confidence of Nigerians in this respect.

9. In keeping with our earlier position, we wish to assure Nigerians that full investigation is ongoing on all allegations of killings, maiming and other unlawful conduct in the South-East Zone within this period. The Governors and the security agencies are in agreement that appropriate action will be taken against anyone found culpable.

10. We advice all residents of the South East to go about their normal businesses as Government of each state is committed to protecting everybody.

11. Finally, we advise our people in the south  east to please be law abiding.

Engr. Nweze Dave Umahi, FNSE, FNATE
Governor of Ebonyi State/ Chairman South-East Governors Forum

LASU ADMISSION SCREENING EXERCISE EXTENDED

The Lagos State University Information Unit has informed that the LASU Admission screening  exercise has been extended by a week, now to close by Friday, 22nd September, 2017.

This was made public by the At. Head, Centre for Information Press and Public Relations, LASU.

READ ANNOUNCEMENT BELOW.

LASU 2017/2018 ONLINE ADMISSION SCREENING EXERCISE EXTENDED BY ONE WEEK, TO CLOSE FRIDAY 22ND SEPT. 2017

In order for Candidates with outstanding issues to complete their registration and allow for new UTME Candidates, who have recently changed their first choice of institution to the Lagos State University, to process their registration, the Lagos State University Management has approved one-week extension of the 2017/2018 Online Admission Screening Exercise.

By this extension, the closing date for the Lagos State University 2017/2018 Online Admission Screening Exercise is now Friday, 22nd September, 2017, as against Friday 15th September, 2017, initially announced.

Prospective Candidates who are yet to register/complete their registration are advised

to take advantage of the one-week extension as no further extension will be granted.

We are LASU, We are Proud!

Signed
Ademola Adekoya
Ag. Head, Centre for Information Press and Public Relations, LASU.

WAFU ADJUSTS CUP OF NATIONS FIXTURES

WAFU adjusts Cup of Nations fixtures

The West African Football Union has effected adjustment in fixtures of the 2017 WAFU Cup of Nations earlier released immediately after the draws held in Accra in August.



In the event, the Nigerian camp has now been informed that instead of playing the Black Stars of Ghana on Thursday, 14th September as it was in the original fixtures, the Super Eagles will now play Mali’s Aiglons in the day’s first match kicking off at 3pm Ghana time (4pm Nigeria time). Guinea’s Syli Nationale will play the Black Stars in Thursday’s second game, also at the Cape Coast Stadium, starting at 7pm Nigeria time.



On Saturday, the Super Eagles will tackle the Syli Nationale also in the day’s first match, before Ghana and Mali will do battle as from 7pm Nigeria time.



The much –anticipated clash between heavyweight rivals Ghana and Nigeria now comes up on Monday, 18th September by 6pm Ghana time (7pm Nigeria time). The second match of the day, between Mali and Guinea, will take place simultaneously at Ndoum Stadium.



2017 WAFU CUP OF NATIONS (REVISED FIXTURES)



THURSDAY, 14TH SEPTEMBER

Nigeria Vs Mali (15.00hrs)

Guinea Vs Ghana (18.00hrs)



SATURDAY, 16TH SEPTEMBER

Guinea Vs Nigeria (15.00hrs)

Ghana Vs Mali (18.00hrs)



MONDAY, 18TH SEPTEMBER

Guinea Vs Mali (18.00hrs)

Ghana Vs Nigeria (18.00hrs)



* All times GMT

Credit: Kayode Tijani

PRESIDENT BUHARI COMMISSIONS OLAM POULTRY AND FEED MILL IN KADUNA - SEE PHOTOS

 Buhari with L-R: Kaduna State Governor Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, Kaduna State Deputy Governor Arc. Barnabas Yusuf Bala, MD/CEO Africa & Middle East Olam International Srivathsan Venkataraman and Kebbi State Governor H.E. Atiku Bagudu as he commissions the Olam Poultry and Feed Mill in Kaduna on 12th Sept 2017

Olam 5: President Buhari with L-R: Vice President Corporate & Government relations Olam Nigeria Mr Ade Adefeko, Kaduna State Governor Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, Kaduna State Deputy Governor Arc. Barnabas Yusuf Bala, MD/CEO Africa & Middle East Olam International Srivathsan Venkataraman and Kebbi State Governor H.E. Atiku Bagudu as he commissions the Olam Poultry and Feed Mill in Kaduna on 12th Sept 2017.

MESSI VERSUS BUFFON

LIONel Messi

Two seasons ago, there were criticisms that Lionel Messi had never scored Cech.

Just like a dream, Messi scored an hat-trick turning him to a cheap goal keeper.

This season, the campaign has been on the front burner again that as good as Lionel Messi is, considering his striking goal records, Buffon is one goal keeper who can dance shoki behind & in front of Oga Messi that 'you never score me unlike CR7.'

Only 90 mins would tell at the Camp Nou coupled with Messi's current form in his last three games.

As young as Mbappe is, he scored a beautiful goal last season against Juventus although they were edged out eventually.

Will Lionel Messi continue to leave under the shade of 0 goal against Buffon, watch out as the Old Ladies take on the Catalonians.

Lobatan!

Credits: Macauly Jamiu.

INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL ADVERT FOR AUTOMATION TECHNICIANS AT NESTLE SAGAMU BRANCH

INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL ADVERT FOR AUTOMATION TECHNICIANS

Internal and external job openings for Automation Technicians at Nestle Nigeria PLC Sagamu factory. See details of responsibilities and requirements above.

YOUTHS IN THEIR THOUSAND GATHER AT EAGLE SQUARE ABUJA TO PRAY FOR NIGERIA AND PRESIDENT BUHARI

Youths gathered at Eagle Square Abuja to pray for the Nation and health of President Muhammad Buhar

Youths gathered at Eagle Square Abuja to pray for the Nation and health of President Muhammad Buhari

Youths in their thousand under the aegis of National Youth Council of Nigeria on Friday participated in a prayer programme for national unity and the quick recovery of President Muhammadu Buhari.

The  2-day program which commenced on Thursday 7th September and ended on Friday 8th September saw  various clerics took part in the prayers at the Eagle Square , Abuja .

Addressing the participants who came from all parts of the country , the Chairman , Board of Trustees , National Youth Council of Nigeria, Chief Makole Azugbene , lauded them for raising the nation before God in prayers .

He called on the government to pay special attention to the youths by creating the right environment for them to express themselves creatively.

He said, “ Today, Nigeria our fatherland is faced with a situation where our maximum efforts are yelding minimum results. The youth have been abused , misused and left despondent . Yet, rather than resort to violence , they have chosen the path of peace . The youth is the hope of this country and as such deserve special attention".

Also speaking , the Chairman , Forum of State Chairmen , National Youth Council of Nigeria, Amb . Sara-Igbe Sukubo said religious harmony is practicable in a multi- religious country like Nigeria .

He noted that the situation in the country called for the youth to stand for national unity and equally seek divine intervention.

“ By this prayer programme , we redefined the uniqueness of our diverse ethnicity as a fulcrum for national unity and strength.” Sukubo stated .

The Founder of Belema Foundation , Jack - Rich Tein, identified the challenges in the country to include the non-engagement of youths in nation building and misuse of available resources.

L-R Amb. (Com. Saheed Tijani-Org. Sec. NYCN Lagos West Senatorial District, Amb. Oresile-Chairman NYCN Lagos State (Middle), a member of the NYCN). Photo Credit: Com. Saheed Tijani

News Credit: Com. Farouk Olaotan.

LASU EXTERNAL SYSTEM STUDENTS - YOU SHOULD READ THIS!

The management of the Lagos State University has again made it clear that it's external systems programme would be winding up by the 29th of September, 2017.

Students interested in being educated while working can take advantage of the LASU Sandwich programme or soon to be commenced Open and Distance Learning Research Institute (ODLRI) programme. 

This information however is quite significant particularly for students of the external systems who have outstanding or unresolved complaint to make their case known before 29th September, 2017.

Read the press release below

 PRESS RELEASE:

LASU EXTERNAL SYSTEM WINDS-DOWN FRIDAY, 29TH SEPTEMBER, 2017

This is to inform the General Public and particularly students of the Lagos State University External System (LASUES) that academic and administrative activities of LASU External Campuses will cease to function by Friday 29th September, 2017.

The University is therefore calling on all PART TIME students of the INTERNAL and EXTERNAL Campuses who have any outstanding or unresolved complaints to visit the office of the Director, Lagos State University External System (LASUES), Ojo, or lodge their complaints before Friday 29th September, 2017 at the dedicated website http://externalstudentscomplaintsportal.lasu.edu.ng

Please note that this is the final deadline and no extension or excuses will be entertained. 

Signed

University Management

LAGOS STATE UNIVERSITY DISMISSES 15 ACADEMIC STAFF AND 2 NON-ACADEMIC STAFF, DEMOTES 2 OTHERS

The Lagos State University in her official bulletin dated 8th September, 2017, and signed by the Ag. Head, Centre for Information Press and Public Relations on behalf of the University Management hereby informs the general public as well as persons concerned of the dismissal and demotion of some academic and non-academic members of staff of the University. 

Please read release below. 

PRESS RELEASE

8TH SEPTEMBER, 2017

LASU GOVERNING COUNCIL DISMISSES 15 ACADEMIC STAFF AND 2 NON-ACADEMIC STAFF, DEMOTES TWO OTHERS

The Lagos State University Governing Council at its Meeting of Thursday 7th September, 2017 DISMISSED Fifteen (15) Academic Staff and Two (2) Non-Academic Staff.  The Council also DEMOTED One Academic and One Non-Academic Staff. Details as follows:

According to Section 6(1) and (2) of the Lagos State University Law 2004 (as amended), the Council of the Lagos State University is the governing authority of the University, and exercises general oversight over the Institution and its affairs.

The Council at its 115th Meeting which held of Thursday 7th September, 2017, considered among others the report of its Joint Council /Senate (Academic) Disciplinary Committee and the Joint Council (Administrative and Technical Staff) Disciplinary Committee. Pursuant thereto the Governing Council with immediate effect DISMISSED fifteen (15) members of the Academic Staff, two (2) members of non-academic staff, and sanctioned others for different acts of misconduct. The details of those dismissed and/or sanctioned are as follows :

Dr. Isaac Akinloye, OYEWUNMI, Senior Lecturer, Department of Human Kinetics, Sports and Health Education, Faculty of Education was established to have demanded the sum of N50, 000 (Fifty Thousand Naira only) from 2003 modular year students of Political Science Education on the sandwich Programme to process their results. He was found culpable of attempt to obtain money for himself as an inducement to carry out his duties, and consequently DISMISSED from the service of the University. 

Dr. Adebowale ADEYEMI-SUENU, Senior Lecturer and Acting Head, Department of History and International studies, Faculty of Arts was established to have unilaterally altered the results of 12 (Twelve) students already advised to withdraw by Senate in the Department of History and International Studies in the 2015/2016 academic session, thereby changing their status from “withdrawn” to “good standing”. He also changed the results of some final year students and stragglers outside the scope of the Departmental decision. Dr. ADEYEMI-SUENU also awarded grade point of 2.0 to two (2) students in an examination from which they were absent. This is tantamount to manipulation of Students results in contravention of provisions of the Conditions and Scheme of Service for Senior Staff. He was therefore DISMISSED from the service of the University. 

Mr Olatoye Mubin RAJI, Assistant Lecturer, Department of Religions, (Islamic Studies Unit), Faculty of Arts, was established to have falsified his November /December 2000 WAEC O’Level certificate. He was therefore DISMISSED from the services of University. 

Dr. Olugbenro Bankole ODOFIN, Senior Lecturer, Department of Education Foundation and Counselling Psychology, Faculty of Education was established to have altered One Hundred and Eighteen (118) students results and also awarded scores to students who did not sit for the examination in a certain course. He was therefore DISMISSED from the services of the University. 

Dr. Adebowale Adebayo ADEMESO, Senior Lecturer, Department of Theatre Arts and Music, Faculty of Arts, was established to have altered grades in sixteen (16) courses. He was therefore DISMISSED from the services of the University. 

Dr. John Olufemi ADEOGUN, Associate Professor, Department of Human Kinetics, Sports and Health Education, Faculty of Education was found culpable of acts of dishonesty which is tantamount to misconduct. He was therefore DEMOTED from the rank of Associate Professor to Senior Lecturer. 

Dr. Scholastica Ebarefimia UDEGBE, Lecturer 1 Department of Marketing, Faculty of Management Sciences was established to have effected corrections on One Thousand, Nine Hundred and Ninety-five (1995) results of students during her tenure as Acting Head, Department of Marketing between August 2012 and July 2016, in breach of laid down procedure for effecting correction on students results. In the circumstance, she was DISMISSED from the services of the University. 

Dr. Olufemi Olugbenga SOYEJU, Lecturer ll in the Department of Jurisprudence and International Law, Faculty of Law was established to have defaulted on conditions of his Training Leave bond, and also abandoned his duty post. Consequently, he is to refund the sum of #7,919,972. 84 (Seven Million Nine Hundred and Nineteen Thousand Nine Hundred and Seventy Two Naira Eighty Four kobo) within 30 (Thirty) days of this decision of the Council. He was also DISMISSED from the services of the University. 

Dr. OLAWALE Ganiyu RAIMI, Senior Lecturer, Department of Biochemistry, Faculty of Science was established to have defaulted on conditions of his Training Leave bond, and also abandoned his duty post. Consequently, he is to refund the sum of #1,622,727.94 (One Million Six hundred and Twenty Two Thousand Seven Hundred and Twenty Seven Naira Ninety Four kobo only) within 30 (Thirty) days of the decision of the Council. He was also DISMISSED from the services of the University. 

Mr Ademola Olusola ADESINA, Lecturer ll, Department of Computer Science, Faculty of Science, was established to have defaulted on conditions of his Training Leave bond, and also abandoned his duty post. Consequently, he is to refund the sum of #6,688,204.74 (Six Million Six Hundred and Eighty Eight Thousand Two Hundred and Four Naira Seventy Four kobo only) within 30 days (Thirty) days of the decision of Council. He was also DISMISSED from the services of the University. 

Dr. Shamisudeen Olusesan BADMUS, Lecturer ll, Department of Accounting, Faculty of Management Sciences, was established to have defaulted on conditions of his Training Leave bond, and also abandoned his duty post. Consequently, he is to refund the sum of #11,124,991. 40 (Eleven Million One Hundred and Twenty Four Thousand Nine Hundred and Ninety One Naira Forty kobo only) within 30 days (Thirty) days of the decision of Council. He was also DISMISSED from the services of the University. 

Dr. Christiana Ibidun OBAGBUWA, Lecturer ll, Department of Computer Science, , Faculty of Science, was established to have defaulted on conditions of her Training Leave bond, and also 

abandoned her duty post. Consequently, she is to refund the sum of #8,663,869.04 (Eight Million Six Hundred and Sixty Three Thousand Eight Hundred and Sixty Nine Naira Four kobo only) within 30 days (Thirty) days of the decision of Council. She was also DISMISSED from the services of the University. 

Dr. Emmanuel Sesofia ASAPO, Senior Lecturer, Department of Chemical and Polymer Engineering, Faculty of Engineering, was established to have defaulted on conditions of his Training Leave bond, and also abandoned his duty post. Consequently, he is to refund the sum of #2,610,269.57 ( Two Million Six Hundred and Ten Thousand Two Hundred and Sixty Nine Naira Fifty Seven kobo only) within 30 days (Thirty) days of the decision of Council. He was also DISMISSED from the services of the University.

Mr Lateef Babatunde SALAMI, Lecturer ll, Department of Microbiology, Faculty of Science, was established to have defaulted on conditions of his Training Leave bond, and also abandoned his duty post. Consequently, he was also DISMISSED from the services of the University. 

 Olubukola Adetoun OYENIYA, Assistant Research Fellow, Center for Environmental Sciences and Sustainable Development, was established to have defaulted on conditions of her Training Leave bond, and also abandoned her duty post. Consequently, she is to refund the sum of #6,180,233.04 (Six Million One Hundred and Eighty Thousand Two Hundred and Thirty Three Naira Four kobo only) within 30 (Thirty) days from the date of the decision of Council. She was also DISMISSED from the services of the University.

Dr. Fatimat Oluwatoyin BAKARE, Assistant Lecturer, Department of Chemical and Polymer Engineering, Faculty of Engineering was established to have defaulted on conditions of her Training Leave bond, and also abandoned her duty post. Consequently, she is to refund the sum of #9,125,341.29 (Nine Million One Hundred and Twenty Five Thousand Three Hundred and Forty One Naira Twenty Nine kobo only) within 30 (Thirty) days of the decision of Council. Council also DISMISSED her from the services of the University. 

Mr Ernest ODILI, Assistant Security Officer was established to have illegally collected the sum of #120,000 (One Hundred and Twenty Thousand Naira only) with the intention of upgrading the result of a part time B.Sc Computer Science student in 2012. He was accordingly DISMISSED from the services of the University. 

Mr Ramon Ajose ALLI (former Head Machine Operator) was established to have collected the sum of #20,000 (Twenty Thousand Naira only) from Achilike Kingsley to assist the latter substitute the falsified result in his personal file with another result. He was therefore DISMISSED from the services of the University. 

Mr Emmanuel Baoku BABATUNDE, Senior Security officer, was established to have been engaged in deliberate sabotage of the University security operations. Consequently, he is to be DEMOTED with effect from 13th February, 2015 to the next applicable level below his substantive post

The Joint Council /Senate (Academic) Disciplinary Committee and the Joint Council (Administrative and Technical Staff) Disciplinary Committee which heard the cases strictly followed all laid down procedures, and duly gave opportunity to the individuals involved to defend themselves. The Lagos State University is poised to continue to quality assure its processes.

SIGNED 

ADEMOLA ADEKOYA

ACTING HEAD, CENTRE FOR INFORMATION PRESS AND PUBLIC RELATIONS

LAGOS STATE UNIVERSITY

LASU SIGNS MEMORANDUM OF UNDERSTANDING WITH OSUN STATE COLLEGE OF EDUCATION, ILESHA

.

Ag. Provost Osun State College of Education, Mrs A. O. Adeyemi, DVC Academics LASU, Prof. A.O.K Noah as LASU Registrar looks on

The Lagos State University Management recently at the Vice Chancellor's Conference room signed a memorandum of understanding with Osun  State College of Education, Ilesha. 

With the signing of the M.O.U, the DVC academic Prof. AOK Noah who represented the VC at the event stated that the College of Education, Ilesha campus which had stopped admitting students for the sandwich degree programme for some time is expected to immediately commence the sales of form for the 2016 Sandwich Modular Year in conjunction with the Lagos State University Sandwich Office Ojo, while the 2017 Sandwich Modular year will commence before the end of the year 2017.

Present at the event include; the Registrar, Mr Lewis, Akinwunmi Oladapo, Bursar Mr Hassan Adetayo, Dean Faculty of Education, Prof. Clement Fasan, Director Sandwich Programme LASU Dr. Olushola Oladiipo Okorie and other senior members of staff of the University. The team from Osun State College of Education, Ilesha include; Ag. Provost Mrs A. O. Adeyeye, Registrar Mrs M. F. Olopade, Bursar Mr Akin Latilo, Director Sandwich Programme Dr. O. M. Akanmu and many other senior officials of the College who were part of the team witnessed the signing of the M.O.U.

We are LASU, We are Proud.

How to Benefit from the The Lagos State Employment Trust Fund - Hon. MOGAJI SAMSONDEEN BABATUNDE

The Lagos State Employment Trust Fund (LSETF) is a N25 billion fund to power your SME, and improve your skills. With the funds, the Lagos State Government promises is to help Lagosians create the most thriving SME economy in Africa.

The LSETF will directly invest N25 billion in helping Lagos residents grow and scale their SMEs, or acquire skills to get better jobs. 

The Lagos State N25 billion Employment Trust Fund, will facilitate access to funding, for over 100,000 entrepreneurs in the state. However, training the entrepreneurs is an important part of the process.

To shed more light on the LSETF, Hon. Shamsudeen Babatunde Mogaji - Personal Assistant on New Media To Hon. Commissioner For Youth and Social Development, Pharm(Mrs) Uzamat Akinbile-Yussuf joined curious youths on the WhatsApp Social Media Platform of the Lagos State Community Youth Volunteers (LSCYV) - Badagry Division, to give more insights on the LSETF scheme.

Below is the information he shared with youths on the platform.

Good evening the honourable members of the great house, As earlier introduced above - I am MOGAJI  SAMSONDEEN  BABATUNDE, Personal Assistant on New Media To Hon. Commissioner For Youth and Social Development Pharm(Mrs) Uzamat Akinbile-Yussuf.

I work with The Lagos State Employment Trust Fund as Liaison Officer for Alimosho LG. We had this similar session on Ikeja Division WhatsApp platform yesterday and I hoped it was informative, educative and needful. 

First and foremost, there is need to introduce LSETF to the house The  Lagos State Employment Trust Fund is the  financial support for entrepreneurs and creation of job opportunities for All residents of Lagos State. It is worthy to note that there is no discrimination about this scheme as Governor Akinwunmi AMBODE is running an all- inclusive government in the state. This was informed by the promise made by the Governor, Akinwunmi AMBODE out of magnanimity during his electioneering campaign to earmark a whopping 25 billion to be invested into the state economy through entrepreneurship and creation of job opportunities for all residents in the state. 

The scheme is aimed at drastically reducing unemployment menace  and giving financial muscle to entrepreneurs in the state. So by 2019, over 900,000 jobs ought to have been created either directly or indirectly. 

Now, topic of the day, how to benefit from this loan scheme                        

The scheme is categorised into 3 platforms for now, namely, ME, SME and EMPLOYABILITY                        

Micro Enterprise (ME) and Small and Medium Enterprise (SME)

An ME applicant can have access to a loan between N50,000 and N500,000 while SME goes from N501,000 to N5,000,000. Fortunately, both have 5% interest rate P.A. A prospective beneficiary of ME must produce the following documents

1. Means of Identification (and this could be) 

• Valid ID card: Voters' card, Driver's License, International passport, National ID card, or LASRRA ID

2. TAX IDENTIFICATION NUMBER (TIN)

3. ONE GUARANTOR

4. TWO PASSPORT PHOTOGRAPHS DULY SIGNED AT THE BACK 

                       

And for the SME

1. Means of Identification (and this could be) 

• Valid ID card: Voters' card, Driver's License, International passport, National ID card, or  LASRRA ID

2. TAX IDENTIFICATION NUMBER (TIN)

3. Company Tax Identification Number 

4. Certificate of Business Registration from Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) 

5. TWO GUARANTORS

6. TWO PASSPORT PHOTOGRAPHS DULY SIGNED AT THE BACK

7. STATEMENT OF ACCOUNT(S)

And for the guarantors, 

They must provide their STATEMENT OF ACCOUNT, LASRRA AND VALID MEANS OF IDENTIFICATION                        

Now, how do you get the LSETF FORM?

Download forms from LSETF website www.lsetf.ng Fill and submit Completed forms to Liaison Office (16, Billings way, Oregun, Ikeja or visit any of 20 Local Governments across the state).

N:B: If you are applying for ME, download the corresponded form on the website and if for SME only download a corresponded form too. Equally download Guarantor form.

Importantly, the business you are investing in must be in existence for at least a year and the business must be your means of livelihood.

If you are yet to have a LASRRA ID or TIN, no problem about this. Kindly visit LASRRA office and LIRS office to get yours.

5% interest on loan account for  ME  is  12 months and repayment starts after one month of receiving the loan while SME has a grace of 3 months to start paying back and for 36 months.

                      

The duration of processing the loan is between 2 weeks and One Month and you will receive an SMS message from our office if you qualify for the loan.

For your information, Liaison Officers have been deployed to all 20 Local Governments across the state to attend to you.

On EMPLOYABILITY, simply visit www.lsetf.ng/employability. to fill out the form, upload your CV and submit electronically.                        

Equally await response from the LSETF                        

Thank you for your attention!

 Itesiwaju Ipinle Eko lojewalogun.

Questions asked on the platform.

1. Is there a reason why repayment period for ME differs from SME?
2. Thanks for the enlightenment. By 5% for 12 months do you mean the loan is expected to be fully paid with interest after 12 months?
3. Is the 5% interest rate on the lump sum or on reducing balance?
4. You are yet to say anything on d 3rd category the one you called employ-ability, what is it about?
5. All form of business can access the loan . Transport and entertainment?
6. Is it allowed 2 participate in 2 of d scheme at the same time e.g. ME and employability?
7. If we are granted the loan.when are we to start remitting back. How many month(s) after collecting the loan?
8. In terms of d vocation, will you be taught/trained?
9. I am into transportation business, how can I access loan to get a bus?
10. What if the business doesn't have CAC registration?

Answers

1. It is simply because money involved is not same. SME loan applicant giving a grace to establish himself probably wants to get some machines and equipment needed for the job. At least, after the three months, all things supposed to have been equal. Fill the form, attach all the necessary requirements and submit to liaison officers in a nearby local government around you. More so, make two copies of all the documents, submit one with them and keep one for yourself as reference if need be. This is an open door process which is devoid of fraud or manipulation.
2. Correct.
3. Lump sum.
4. It is a compilation of all unemployed in the state. The state govt will seek for job for them. And for those who choose artisanship, they will be given opportunity to work with reputable firms in the state. Vocations such as cosmetology, bead making, catering etc are available.
5. Yes as all is invited.
6. Yes! you can but don't apply for SME and ME simultaneously.
7. I have said this earlier. ME is following month while SME is three months after.
8. Yes. All successful candidates will further undertake training course.
9. Your business must be in existence at least for a year.
10. Go and do the registration at CAC.

APPLICATION FOR EMPLOYMENT AS NEIGHBOURHOOD SAFETY CORP MEMBER

The Lagos State Neighbourhood Safety Corps bill was passed into law in 2016 by the Lagos State House of Assembly.

The law gives the Lagos State Government the right to employ those interested to work as neighbourhood security civil personnels, an aim to further strengten the security of communities in Lagos State.

In view of the above, The Board of the Neighbourhood Safety Agency hereby invites application from suitably qualified candidates for enlistment into the Neighbourhood Safety Corps.

SPECIAL REQUIREMENTS:

1. Applicants must be a citizen of Nigeria
2. Applicant must be certified physically and mentally fit by a Medical Practitioner from a Governmental Health Institution
3. Applicants must not have previous criminal record(s)
4. Applicants must not be less than 1.67meters in height for men or 1.63meters in women
5. Applicants must not be less than 86cm (34 inches) expanded chest measurement for men.
6. Applicants must present 2 verifiable references, one of whom must be either a Traditional Ruler from that locality or a Top Government functionary.

GENERAL REQUIREMENT:

1. Applicants must not be below 18years or above 40years of age
2. Applicants must attach photocopy of LASRRA registration card.
3. Applicant must have a minimum of West African School Certificate or its equivalent with credits in at least five subjects including English Language
4. Any candidate who submits more than one application will be automatically disqualified

NB: the training may be strenuous, therefore, candidates must have not only passion and commitment for the job but also the physical and mental agility that it requires.

METHOD OF APPLICATION

Interested Applicants must apply online. Please visit the website jobs.lagosstate.gov.ng.

Application opens Friday 27th January,2017  and closes on Friday 3rd February, 2017.

Best of Luck.

Strategic Leadership: My Personal Theory and Practice - SENATOR BOLA HAMMED TINUBU

Bola Ahmed Tinubu: National Leader of The All Progressives Congress (APC)

Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, National Leader of the All progressive Congress - APC, has been rather quiet about the state of the country since the emergence of APC as the Government in the centre.

However, whenever he has the opportunity to bear his mind on the state of the country, he does so explicitly well. Below is the full text of his lecture delivered at National Defence College.

Lecture Delivered by Asiwaju at National Defence College

26th January, 2017

Strategic Leadership: My Personal Theory and Practice

One must be intellectually vigilant, inquisitive and always examining the utility of strategy and tactics. Always guarding against muddled thinking or allowing emotions to blind you. You make sure, as a leader, that you do not commit the grave error of giving primacy to transient strategies or tactics, over the permanent goal.

Where We Have Been, Where We Are and Where We Are Going

The Defence College has a special role to play in reshaping Nigeria. This institution is that special place where the best talent in the military may engage in fertile intellectual exchange with some of the brightest in our civilian institutions and from other nations. The laymen often mistakenly view the military as an inflexible, often unthinking collective. This is a distorted view.

Some of the best minds in our nation are found in the military. No military can be successful over the long-term unless it has the intellectual agility to adopt its doctrines and practices to the challenges of a dynamic and chaotic world, as we have today. Like any large organisation, a military overly resistant to change will find itself on the wrong end of history. It will not answer the questions an incessantly changing environment places before it.

The Nigerian military was established to respond to challenges resident in Third Generation or Trinitarian Warfare. The genesis of standard military philosophy can be traced to the works of classical and neo-classical theorists and practitioners such as Sun Tzu, Jomini, Clausewitz, Alfred Mahan, Giulio Douhet, JFC Fuller and Basil Liddell Hart.

Today, much of the world’s military challenges have little to do with the confrontation of standing army against standing army. You now must adapt your concepts and your very institution to Fourth Generation or Non-trinitarian Warfare. Here, you deal with the intersection of ideology, politics and highly weaponised non-state actors, whose membership, tactics and aims are fluid and inconstant.

In the space of the last ten years, the Nigerian military has had to face violent militants in the tropical Niger Delta, then turn to battle wicked Boko Haram in the Sahelian Northern Nigeria. The principles of Jomini and Clausewitz have to be materially reinterpreted to apply to these battles. Yet these conflicts are of a different nature than what these 19th century thinkers encountered, but these modern conflicts are as brutal, and strategically important to the state as traditional warfare. This modern version is even more difficult to master and to win due to the fluid, almost clandestine nature of the adversary. Today, you battle not against standing armies, but against vanishing ghosts.

I commend the Nigerian military for what it has achieved against Boko Haram. You have battled and bested this evil enterprise. This vile force has been reduced to where it no longer poses a strategic threat. You have done as well as a military can in putting down this amorphous danger. The nation thanks you. I must say here, however, that we cannot lower our guard.

We have learned cardinal lessons from the Boko Haram crisis. First, we must govern justly and for the benefit of the people to prevent the recurrence of violent extremism in the future.

Widespread poverty caused by an unjust allocation of income, wealth and resources provides fertile ground for extremist ideologies, that run contrary to the inclusive democracy we seek to perfect.

Protracted years of gross mis-governance are a down payment on the rise of extremism.

Second, the armed forces may contain violent outbreaks but they cannot fully resolve strife originating from a nation’s political and social imbalances. Some type of political resolution is needed.

The military is hamstrung because it must restrain operations in order to protect the civilian population, which is the prime duty of the military. A paradox of Fourth Generation warfare becomes apparent. The duty to protect the state is rendered more complex because of the restraint that must be exercised in combating domestic insurgencies. However, engaging in less discrete operations may be easier done but this always proves counterproductive in the end because of the risk of alienating the local population.

Third, the longer an unfair political economic situation goes unattended, the more extreme become the views of the disaffected. The more difficult a political situation becomes, once the situation degrades into violent insurgency. There is little room to find a political solution and almost no mutual trust to attempt to locate that finite space. As a result, the nation is compelled to resort to force, to resolve non-military contradictions. This means the more the military has to expend itself in a contest of diminishing military returns. The more time that passes, the more the military is degraded. A conventional military is not structured to be on perpetual war footing. More resources have to be spent to prevent the military from diminishing its current state of readiness.

The insurgency becomes institutionalised with each passing year. Insurgent ideology gives way to institutional inertia. Insurgency becomes something its members do simply because they have been doing it. It is no longer a means to an end; the insurgency becomes the end in itself.

Enough of my layman’s attempt at military theorising for the moment. Yet, what I have said underscores a crucial point. The civilian and military worlds do not occupy distinct universes. They are but different points along the spectrum of collective human endeavour. For a nation at our stage of evolution, any politician who cares about internal security must be somewhat versed in military concepts and strategy. Any military officer who cares about the future progress of the nation must be conversant with the different political and economic themes contesting to govern the moment.

I was asked to speak about Strategic Leadership: My Experiences. I shall do so. But, since I am not in uniform, permit me a touch of insubordination. I have slightly amended my message to be “Strategic Leadership: My Personal Theory and Practice.”

My Theory of Strategic Leadership

Excellent strategic political leadership is based on commitment to a political vision. A leader must have a coherent objective in mind. Strategy and tactics are then fashioned to work toward that vision.

This is an essential consideration. There cannot be strategic leadership without a conscious objective. Political leadership in Nigeria generally has fallen short in this regard. Leadership has been short-sighted and fixed on narrow, immediate objectives. Because of this, leadership has been more transactional than strategic in nature. It has been more focused on the retention of power and control than on the substantive results and long-term consequences of its policies and actions.

This state of affairs results in a cruel paradox. Fixation on the details of numerous transactions produces a mirage of control and order over every event and episode. However, when all the pieces are brought together, they give a picture of disorder and even chaos. Excessive control over individual parts comes at the sacrifice of harmony of the whole. The parts do not fit well together because they were not created as a unified whole.

Things become as confusing as a labyrinth, with many entrances but no exits. It is as if we take 20 authors asking each to write a separate chapter of a book, without coordinating with each other. In this way, we protect ourselves from the writers plotting against us. While that objective is achieved, there is little chance that the book will be a coherent tale when we tack the chapters together. Each section will be fine in isolation. When read together, they constitute nothing more than literary confusion, intelligent babble. The totality of the work becomes less than the sum of its parts. So much energy expended towards almost no discernible purpose, except to control the process, no matter how dysfunctional the outcome.

This is the bane of our political economy. We have so much talent in the nation but it has not been engaged and engineered to function in unison. Fiscal policy does not mesh with monetary policy. Trade policy undermined industrial policy, thus ease of doing business is inhibited. Overseas peacekeeping missions do not always harmonise with core foreign policy interests.

No national system is perfect. In each, exist some contradictions. This is but evidence of the imperfection of human nature itself. However, a nation in progress seeks to minimise, not harvest additional contradictions, otherwise its leadership strategy is doomed to fail.

These dilemmas arise in governance because there is no accepted overarching vision or strategy to achieve that vision. In the absence of these essentials that give definition to inputs and outcomes, coherence gives way to happenstance. Unaided by a greater purpose, governance and its institutions become ends in themselves. Their primary aim will be to exist, not to achieve. Leaders likewise become imbued with the same blindness. They occupy power because power needs to be occupied.

I was fortunate to recognise early in my political life that a true political leader distinguishes himself by marrying principled vision with practical strategy. In combination, these things show you the way home and how to get there. Just as importantly, they help you determine what not to do or where to avoid as a good compass keeps you from going south when your destination lies north.

Developing vision and strategy are easily said but hard to attain. Thought, diligent planning and constant reflection are needed.

President Dwight Eisenhower once said: “In preparing for battle, I have always found plans are useless but planning is indispensable.” The deeper meaning of this statement is priceless.

You may set forth intelligently crafted plans. Once the complex enterprise begins, war or politics, unforeseen events and untold chances stir the dust and change things so quickly that the strict letters of our plans lose utility.

Any general or leader who stubbornly adheres to preconceived notions has written his own tombstone: here lies a leader who defeated himself.

No matter the beauty of your intellectual constructs, they cannot subdue reality; they must adapt to it. The plan can be a prison but the planning is essential. It conditions the mind to keep an eye on the objective so that you may adapt to changing conditions without losing sight of the prize.

At this juncture, I am reminded of the tale of a farmer and his son. The farmer’s corn fields were plagued by ravening birds. Saving the harvest clearly became his objective. His strategy was to have his son gather stones, early every day, then toss them at the crows to scare them off. This went on daily for several months.

One day, the crows did not come. The boy spotted the birds in the adjacent fields of his father’s worst enemy. Conditioned to bothering the crows, the boy hauled rocks to the other man’s field so that he may pelt the crows. While the boy was gone, wild pigs came and trampled much of the cornstalks.

The father spotted the boy and screamed for him to come home. The boy came running. The father asked why was he being so disobedient. The boy was perplexed, saying you wanted me to chase the crows away.

The father answered: “No.” I wanted you to protect our corn. While here, the birds were our enemy. Not here, they are just birds. When they are in that man’s field, they are even my friends.

“My son, you forgot the purpose of what you were doing. So you set yourself elsewhere and left the field unattended to bother birds that were doing us no harm. By your mistake, you just undid all the toil of these months and you put the harvest at risk.”

My constant vision has been the transformation of this nation into a robust decentralised democracy with a diverse industrial base, to provide sufficient jobs to a growing urban population; and a sufficient agricultural base, to achieve food security and provide a decent livelihood to the rural population.

We have made some progress toward this vision. But we have a long way to go. I want to sketch out the journey thus far and offer my thoughts on how the future might unfold.

Strategic Leadership In Practice

Where Have We Been?

During the 1980s and 1990s, a progressive politician like me was at extreme odds with the military. This opposition was not against the military as the military. It was against military governance. Military governance was diametrically opposed to the democratic Nigeria I envisioned.

The permanent aim was to attain democratic governance. During this period, the strategic objective had to be the exit of the military from power. Tactics would be devised to meet the moment. The tactics ranged from cooperation with the military during the SDP/NRC aborted transition to outright protests at home and seeking international condemnation of the succeeding military regime when it sought to perpetuate itself in power.

When that regime became increasingly brutal, tactics changed. Some of us were arrested and detained; some of us went into exile. We could not contest muscle for muscle against the regime. Instead, we engineered a strategic retreat to be outside the regime’s strong reach. From this distance, we still did an effective job canvassing the nation and international community to support democracy and freedom. Our words were akin to long range artillery or air power. The military controlled the ground but we held supremacy in the air waves. We were winning the battle for the hearts and minds of people.

Please take note here. My opposition was based on the fact that the hierarchical and centralised command inherent to military institutions was ill suited for democratic governance. While individual military officers may transform into successful democratic leaders, the institution as a whole constituted a brake on democracy.

We worked to ease the military from the political arena. There would be no recrimination or backlash against the institution. Once the military was out of politics, my opposition to the military ended.

Others in the pro-democracy struggle embraced a more hardline position. Some wanted the military to be put in the docks. They wanted to weaken it as national institution. In my estimation, they gave more weight to temporary strategy than the overall objective.

They had fought against military rule so long that they came to believe the goal was to defeat the military. No. The deeper truth was the return to democratic governance. Ending institutional military control of politics was merely the way to reach that end.

Fortunately, our less combative approach won the day. The military exited governance but was not persecuted. It returned to being the strong unifying national institution it has always been.

Imagine if those who advocated a punitive approach had won the day. The military would have been greatly weakened. Such a broken outfit would not have summoned the leadership and dedication necessary to tackle both the Niger Delta militancy and Boko Haram’s terror.

This is an important lesson. Narrow focus and the unwitting conflation of strategy with ultimate objective can be dangerous in the affairs of a nation.

Civilian rule came. I was elected governor of Lagos through the AD (Alliance for Democracy), which came to be the pre-eminent party in the South-West. The PDP controlled the federal government and most states. Quickly, it revealed itself to be a party of authoritarian excess. It boasted it would rule the country for 60 years. Just as quickly I came to the realisation that continuation of thd PDP national leadership might be the death knell of my dream of a democratic Nigeria. As a democrat, I understood equal competition meant that my party could lose a free and fair election. I was and remain ready to take a fair loss. Yet, I was and remain unprepared to see victory stolen from the rightful winner and to see any party install itself in near perpetuity, notwithstanding the expressed will of the people.

My strategic goal became the defeat of the PDP at the national level during this period. When the 2003 election came, the PDP dangled an alliance before the AD. The proposal was that if we supported the PDP at the presidential level, the PDP would not oppose us at the state level. Because of my strategic perspective and the previous legal confrontations I had with the federal government due to its overreach, I rejected the proposal. It sounded too easy to be good. Sadly, some of my colleagues lost sight of the long-term objective; they were enticed to chase after short-term promises. Those promises were hollow. My friends chased themselves into a corner. Their non-opposition to the PDP at the presidential level would be repaid with deception. The PDP outflanked them in the gubernatorial race.

Lagos was to be the only state with an AD governor. From this setback and crippled position, we began the long journey that would reduce the PDP’s boast of ruling for 60 years to just 16.

Where We Are Now

Leading into the 2015 election season, progressive politicians throughout Nigeria and across party lines recognised the nation was in deep trouble. Corruption was rampant. The Boko Haram menace growing. The economy was unbalanced and government policy was not providing the right growth catalysts, despite favourable oil prices. PDP governance had overstayed its welcome. The people were ready for change. And we needed to develop the strategic leadership and determination to achieve the change.

Standing as separate parties, we could not best the PDP. We had tried that path; it led to defeat in 2011. A strategic rethink was needed.

To attain the goal of ousting the PDP and placing Nigeria on the road to progressive governance, the strategic linchpin would be the merger of opposition parties.

Time is inadequate to recount the complex journey toward the merger. My firm position was that only a merger would work. Anything short of that would disintegrate due to a combination of PDP enticement and the internal pressures arising from the strong identification of many politicians with their legacy parties. An ad-hoc alliance would be put asunder by these factors.

Our push for a merger of the old parties into a new entity carried the day. We would join hands to form a collective identity. The CPC and my party, ACN, ANPP, along with progressive elements of the APGA, formed the party. Key elements of the PDP would later join.

For this amalgamation to work, it had to be more than an anti-PDP gathering. It had to present a genuine, positive message that spoke to people’s hopes and aspirations.

We developed the theme of change as our strategic message. The broom became an apt party symbol. We would sweep out the old, sweep in the new and work hard towards prosperity for our country.

We fashioned a tripartite campaign message and strategy message. Security, Economy and Corruption. We would drive these three messages home as if with military artillery. However, we have only our leadership and strategic hammer.

Still all of this would have been to no avail without the right candidate. Given his stature and reputation for integrity, honest dealing and patriotic commitment, there really was no other candidate to have carried the day, than then General Muhammadu Buhari.

Yet, even with such a figure as our candidate, we foresaw the need to construct a public relations strategy to counter false accusations of religious intolerance and parochialism that would be hurled at him. We did this with great success because we prepared for these attacks beforehand.

We established other democratic and leadership strategies for our success, details of which time would not permit me to reveal here. We did not have the vast war chest of the PDP. Our efforts had to be sharper and more compelling. We accomplished this task.

We did not win the election by accident. I had studied the resulting and voting patterns of all the prior elections since 1999. Our team did an honest assessment and detailed assessment of our strengths and weaknesses and those of our opponents.

To win, we knew the votes we needed and identified the likely places and demographic constituencies from which the bulk of those votes must come. We did not waste time chasing votes we would not get. We concentrated on our strengths and the other side’s weaknesses, realising that our defence must be as tight as if we are inside the War College here in Abuja.

The other factor is one that is little spoken of. Our early insistence on biometric voter registration and the use of the card reader on voting day were of strategic importance as it is essential to safeguarding the integrity of the electoral process. In past elections, PDP vote padding had been massive in certain areas. We had to curtail this malpractice to achieve the objective of making the election as fair as possible, allowing us a chance to win.

The card reader minimised the rigger’s ability to steal the election. Before its use, results could be written without regard to the number of actual people who cast ballots. In a polling booth where 50 people actually showed up to vote, the rigger could falsify figures and claim that 500 votes were cast. With the card reader, the rigger could steal no more than 50 votes. The tallies could not be inflated beyond the number of actual voters.

Upon these strategic pillars, we built historic victory. For the first time in the nation’s history, incumbent president and party lost the national election. This historic transition further cemented our democratic evolving tradition and structures, advancing us closer to the overarching vision that guides my political actions.

Completing a personal transition, General Buhari would become President Buhari. And former President Goodluck Jonathan would become a stateman, winning worldwide commendation for conceding defeat, even before the final results were announced.

Where We Are Going

In relative short order, the Buhari administration has done what the prior government seemed unable to do. With the courage and dedication of the military, Boko Haram has been subdued. Also, notable and significant progress is being made against corruption. Press freedoms and civil liberties are protected, putting to lie those who cried that President Buhari would not respect democracy and rule of law.

To move closer to the overarching vision I outlined, we now have to shift primary focus to the economic front.

The decline of high oil prices threatens to be a long-term phenomenon. It placed the nation in recession last year and revealed the structural weakness of our national economy.

Strategic objectives during this period of economic uncertainty must be to re-engineer the economy bottom up, diversify the economic base, strengthen our industrial base, modernise infrastructure, enhance agriculture, and provide employment. And of course, ease of doing business must not be overlooked in order to attract foreign investment.

The lower oil prices also reduced hard currency earnings. This undermined the naira, causing a steep rise in the cost of imports. The higher prices have suppressed aggregate demand, causing a decline in business activity.

The challenge before us is a difficult but not impossible one. If we stick to the progressive beliefs of the APC, we shall overcome these difficulties to place the economy on surer permanent footing.

Government has shown its commitment to these ideals via its budget for this year and by the strong help it is giving state governments to meet their budgetary requirements. The unprecedented stipend programme for the poorest highlights the government’s concern for those who have been left unattended by the dynamics of the marketplace.

Achieving the desired economic restructuring will require a change in economic mindset and strategy. We must avoid the nostrums of mainstream orthodoxy that say government deficits are always bad. In the situation we face, deficit spending is essential to bolster aggregate demand and direct funds to projects that build infrastructure and bolster employment.

We must better harmonise monetary policy with fiscal policy. It undercuts our goals if monetary policy is unduly tight at a time fiscal policy begets deficit spending.

We must also realign trade policy with our need to create a meaningful industrial base and more potent agricultural sector. We can no longer allow cheap imports to preclude the development of industries and sectors strategic to our enduring economic future.

Conclusion

My public life spans over three decades. I have had my share of triumphs. I have felt the sting of setback.

Through it all, I have tried to keep faith with the overarching vision I earlier set forth – of a more democratic Nigeria with a robust economy that provides sufficiently for all-.

Throughout most of this time span, the strategic focus has been on politics, free enterprise and assuring democracy. I believe the toil and sacrifice has been worthwhile. We have secured democracy in Nigeria. Now, our strategic leadership must focus on realising the second part of that vision – the economic component.

It was first necessary to getting the political equation right. From this platform, we can then better reform the economic side.

The profound lesson my experiences as a political leader has taught me is the need to remain faithful to an achievable, well-articulated vision. Then to develop practical strategies and tactics to progress towards that vision. The vision is the unchangeable lodestar. Strategies and tactics may change as events unfold.

One must be intellectually vigilant, inquistive and always examining the utility of strategy and tactics. Always guarding against muddled thinking or allowing emotions to blind you. You make sure, as a leader, that you do not commit the grave error of giving primacy to transient strategies or tactics, over the permanent goal.

If you adhere to these leadership principles, you give yourself the best chance of progress toward your desired goals. In the imperfect world of human endeavour, no one can ask for more than this.

Bola Ahmed Tinubu

National Leader of The All Progressives Congress (APC)

Lecture Delivered on Wednesday January 25, 2017 at The National Defence College, Abuja.

culled from - Lagos WatchDog